Presidential campaigns are so much about posturing that it's easy
to miss what's really going on. Take national security policy. John
McCain and Barack Obama want you to think they represent diametrically opposed
approaches to national security, when in fact they have quite similar
views. And one of the things they have in common is that neither of them
wants you to realize they see future security challenges pretty much the same
way Donald Rumsfeld did. To prove that point, let's take a little stroll
down memory lane.
Nine years ago this month, presidential candidate George W. Bush
gave the most important defense speech of his campaign at a military school in
South Carolina called the Citadel. In that speech, he set forth the
framework for dealing with national security that he would use if elected:
"If elected, I will set three goals. I will renew the bond of trust
between the American president and the American military. I will defend
the American people against missiles and terror. And I will begin creating the
military of the next century."
That last item became known as military transformation, and was
the central goal of Donald Rumsfeld’s tenure as defense secretary. During
the six years he served under Bush, Rumsfeld carried a card spelling out the key
precepts behind what Bush's speech had called "a new architecture of
American defense." Defeat asymmetric threats. Optimize
intelligence. Bolster homeland security. Build global
partnerships. Improve counter-insurgency skills. Integrate
military and non-military instruments. Become better at stability
operations. Reform Pentagon processes.
You could easily conclude from the media coverage since Rumsfeld's resignation that this agenda has been discredited. Well, guess again. The key
security initiatives favored by both Senator McCain and Senator Obama echo
the assumptions of the Bush-Cheney-Rumsfeld worldview. Here's McCain, on
his campaign website: "Modernizing the armed forces also means
adapting our doctrine, training, and tactics for the kinds of
conflicts we are most likely to face... These asymmetric conflicts require
a very different force structure than the one we used to fight and win the Cold
War."
McCain
differs with Pentagon policy under Rumsfeld in wanting to increase the size of
the military. But most of his security priorities are in tune with the
Bush approach to transformation, stressing improved homeland security against
terrorists and missile attack, better intelligence, more funding for
unconventional warfare skills and "working with friends and partners
overseas." According to Senator McCain, the military missions of the
21st century "will not center on traditional territorial defense,"
but on "counter insurgency, counter terrorism, missile defense, counter
proliferation and information warfare." McCain says such challenges
require "a new mix of military forces."
Senator Obama seems to agree with all of these views. He
says "we must meet the full-spectrum needs of the new century, not simply recreate
the military of the Cold War era." He then goes on to call for
funding of special operations forces, information operations and, surprisingly,
missile defense. Obama endorses Bush's call for a bigger military, but he
also says "we must rebalance our capabilities to ensure that
our forces can succeed in both conventional war-fighting and in
stabilization and counter-insurgency operations." His positions
on cyber warfare, rebuilding global partnerships and reforming the
acquisition process all sound similar to those of McCain. More
strikingly, both candidates sound like they think Bush and
Rumsfeld were right about what the future requires, even if Iraq was a
mistake.